Mikhail Margelov: biography, education, family. Vice President of OAO AK Transneft

Materials of the investigation conducted by "one of the services of the Russian Federation" in 2004-2006

By the most careful expert opinion, the share of the shadow market accounts for at least 40% of Russian GDP. The strategically important and most profitable industries are most affected by corruption Russian economy primarily the oil industry. Half of all GDP income is generated by foreign exchange earnings from oil and gas exports, while more than 90% of all oil produced in Russia is transported through trunk pipelines that run through 65 regions.

At present, all pipeline transport is legally owned by the state and formally managed by the state-owned company OAO Transneft in the interests of the state. Heads OAO Transneft Group former top managers oil company Lukoil, headed by Semyon Vainshtok. His closest assistant and especially confidant is Transneft Vice President Sergey Evlakhov, who controls the department of transport, accounting and oil quality in the company. Evlakhov, unlike Weinstock, a logistics specialist, is a petroleum engineer by education. In 1983 he graduated from the Grozny Oil Institute, his labor path started at the production association "Kogalymneftegaz" under the leadership of the then CEO Vagit Alekperova. After the creation in 1993 by Alekperov, already in the rank of First Deputy Minister of Oil and gas industry USSR, the Lukoil oil company on the basis of Kogalymneftegaz, Yevlakhov ended up in Lukoil-Western Siberia LLC, the largest of the concern's subsidiaries. Semyon Vainshtok, a confidant of Alekperov, became the head of the company at that time. From this period, the tandem of Weinstock and Yevlakhov began to form, where each harmoniously complemented each other. Weinstock needed his trusted man, an experienced oilman, while Yevlakhov liked Weinstock’s connections with Alkperov, who promised the possibility of further advancement in career ladder and the accompanying increase in material well-being. Then he could not even imagine what incredible opportunities would open up for him after Weinstock became the head of the state company Transneft.

The scandal associated with illegal supplies of oil and oil products to Kyrgyzstan dates back to the late 90s. The oil exporter was the offshore company Levette Investments, Inc. (Bahamas, Nassau), which opened an account for operations in one of the banks in Zurich. From the Kyrgyz side, the buyer was the largest state-owned company in the republic, Kyrgyzgazmunaizat. In fact, the owner of the oil was Lukoil-Western Siberia LLC, and the then co-owner of Sibneft, and part-time Deputy Secretary of the Security Council, Boris Berezovsky, also acted on the Russian side in developing the capacious gasoline market of Kyrgyzstan. According to the scheme, LLC Lukoil-Western Siberia sent one part of the unaccounted for oil for processing to the Omsk refinery owned by Sibneft. In Sibneft, the head of the oil department, Sergey Kashin, and the head of the oil products department, Yuri Sukhanov, were responsible for this area. After processing, gasoline obtained from Lukoil oil is smuggled by various railway routes. shipped by transport to Kyrgyzstan to the address of "Kyrgyzgazmunaizat".

In order to avoid customs duties and excises, in accompanying documents Levette Investments, Inc. instead of gasoline, other petroleum products have always appeared. This made it possible to make a guaranteed profit by saving on the import duty that was in force in Kyrgyzstan - $75 per ton of gasoline and $15 per ton of crude oil. Due to this, “Kyrgyzgazmunai zat”, according to contract No. 1/1 dated February 25, 1997 with Levette Investments, Inc., paid the latter for “search” for suppliers of liquefied gas and hydrocarbon raw materials 16% commission over the cost of supplied oil and oil products. Payments for deliveries were made through the bank account of Levette Investments, Inc. in Zurich and through two bank accounts of Kyrgyzgazmunaizat - in the Bank of New York (USA) and in the Mercury Bank (Bishkek). Whether Sergei Evlakhov, who worked at Lukoil-Western Siberia, knew about this is a big question.

The rise in oil prices in the late 1990s provoked an active behind-the-scenes struggle between oligarchic groups for control of Transneft's main oil pipelines, which ended in December 1999 with the appointment of Semyon Vainshtok as head of the company, who immediately appointed his proxies from Lukoil: Sergey Evlakhov, Vladimir Kalinin, Evgeny Astafiev and Sergey Grigoriev.

After Weinstock's team came to Transneft, the work of the Government Commission on the use of trunk oil and gas pipelines and oil products pipelines, created specifically in 2000 by Russian Government Decree No. 67 to create a competitive environment, distribute oil export quotas and control exports, was terminated. The abolition of the government commission was actually the beginning of the destruction of the system of state control over the use of export trunk oil pipelines and related financial flows.

The fundamental principle of the work of the state-owned company Transneft, which is written in the governing documents and declared by the leadership of Transneft as an alibi, is to provide all participants in the oil market with equal access to the main oil pipelines in order to ensure competition and develop the market. At Transneft, where Yevlakhov headed the key department of transportation, accounting and quality of oil, he transformed this principle into a pragmatic rule - "Must - but not obliged!"

The export capacity of Transneft's main oil pipelines has always been lacking, especially during periods of a surge in oil prices on the world market. In addition, Russia, within the framework of the policy of a single economic space, provides part of the pipeline capacity to the CIS countries for exporting oil to Western markets. It is believed that in last years, after the construction of new oil pipelines, the situation improved, which was reported on October 9, 2006 at a meeting of the Government Commission on the Fuel and Energy Complex by the Minister of Industry and Energy of Russia Viktor Khristenko. According to him, the problem has now been resolved, but: "...in some, the most cost-effective areas of oil transportation, the shortage of capacities remains." It is not clear, on the one hand, Transneft does not seem to have a shortage of capacities, but on the other hand, it still exists!

Indirect evidence that the shadow market for access to the export pipe of Transneft may still exist was the scandal provoked in March 2006 due to the restriction of access to the competitor of Lukoil state JSC NK Rosneft. The conflict ended with the dismissal of Sergei Evlakhov and the deputy head of Rosenergo Oleg Gordeev. Both were key figures responsible for the formation and implementation of the access schedule oil companies to main export pipelines. Andrey Komarov, the former vice-president of Sibneft, was immediately appointed to replace Evlakhov. However, he was not destined to gain a foothold in this desired position for a corrupt official. He turned out to be a foreign body that violated the principle of collective responsibility, and therefore he soon left the Transneft company, and Sergey Evlakhov was reinstated on August 30, 2006 in his previous position,

The corrupt business scheme for trading in the shortage of export capacities looks like this in general terms. First of all, it is necessary to artificially create this deficit. For example, it is possible to overestimate the planned capacities for the transit of oil from the CIS countries. This will limit access to the pipe for Russian exporters and increase the deficit. In practice, oil exports from the CIS countries turn out to be less than declared, which will lead to the appearance of unaccounted capacities that can be sold profitably on the internal shadow market. According to available data, in 2004, with the help of the described mechanism, over-limit capacities were obtained in the amount of 6 million tons of oil, which were sold at an average annual price of $25/ton, as a result, an annual income of about $150 million. In 2005, the same mechanism made it possible to realize 3 .5 million tons at an average annual price of $50/ton, which allowed $175 million to be pocketed due to the growth in world prices.

But this is not all "know-how". The oil trunk pipeline system is a giant common reservoir where oil companies continuously pump oil from the fields, after which they take it for export or processing. Objectively, the volumes circulating in the Transneft pipeline system can only be objectively controlled from the outside, except by completely emptying the entire pipeline system.

Access to trunk oil pipelines is regulated by the quarterly schedule of the Ministry of Industry and Energy of Russia, and its prompt execution is provided by Transneft. The essence of the formation of the quota schedule is the distribution of pipeline transport capacities among Russian oil exporters in proportion to the declared volumes of oil production. Oil from various fields, after its injection into single system oil pipelines, depersonalized and turned into a mixture of REBKO (former URALS). After that, exporting companies can carry out the selection of this mixture from the final terminals in the export directions they need according to the schedule and the allocated volumes.

Until recently, there was a practice in which many medium and small companies pumped oil into the system, ostensibly for export, without yet having a specific buyer or escort contract. Then they had to find a buyer or wait for the rise in oil prices on the world market in order to sell it and receive currency for their scarce goods. Using money and corrupt connections, it was possible, without filling the pipe with extracted oil, to profitably sell someone else's oil from the system, and cover the resulting deficit only after some time. By official version, this practice has now been stopped by the management of Transneft.

Another mechanism for creating above-limit transport capacities is to provide oil exporters with inconvenient-to-use terminals associated with the need to transship oil from pipelines to railways. tanks or vice versa. According to an ingrained vicious practice, all exporters who have received volumes for sale through the Tikhoretskaya terminal (Krasnodar Territory) try to exchange them for bribes for transport capacities in more profitable directions, which brings additional income to interested parties. In 2004, 5 million tons were planned for this terminal, but 1.7 million tons were actually exported. As a result, an over-limit volume of 3.3 million tons was sold on the "shadow" market. In 2005, the volume of sales under this scheme amounted to 4.0 million tons.

According to some participants in the oil market, oil terminals in the ports of Tuapse and Novorossiysk use a different scheme. When planning exports through Tuapse, over-limit capacities are already obtained due to deliberate underestimation of planned indicators, and the resulting free capacities are sold "in the dark." Thanks to this, in 2004 an additional 0.22 million tons were exported, and in 2005 - 0.48 million tons at the prices of the "shadow" market of $20/ton and $35/ton, respectively, which made it possible to receive income in 2004 in the amount about $4.4 million, and in 2005 - $16.8 million.

Another mechanism for extracting additional income is implemented by allocating small quotas to the berths of the oil terminal in the Novorossiysk port. Small export quotas, typical for small oil companies, make it economically inexpedient to charter a tanker, for the full loading of which it is necessary to find additional volumes of oil. For example, for a small company with an export quota of 20,000 tons of oil, chartering a tanker with a tonnage of 60,000 tons (the minimum tonnage of a tanker) is unprofitable. To increase the export volume to load the entire tanker by purchasing additional oil "on the side" small oil companies do not allow the export schedule and the risk of high costs associated with the advance payment of the tanker's freight. The impossibility of implementing the allocated export quota within the schedule leads to its loss.

The offshore company SUNOIL also makes good money on this artificially created problem, which in 2004 provided oil exports by its tankers for companies with small quotas at a price of $10 per ton. Due to such "cooperation" in 2004, SUNOIL provided small companies with exports in the amount of 1.79 million tons of oil, while receiving an income of $17.9 million. In 2005, such "services" of the tanker fleet imposed on small exporters generated income of more than $25 million .

In 2004, according to the schedule, medium-sized oil companies were redirected to this berth. However, when faced with the “services” of SUNOIL, some of them were forced to seek protection from law enforcement agencies, as it turned out that SUNOIL was controlled by the Chechen crime boss Khozh-Akhmet Nukhaev. In particular, to protect their interests in the services law enforcement was forced to resort to the Kalmneft company.

According to law enforcement agencies, Nukhaev also controls the Tuapse oil terminal, which has always been technologically focused on oil from the Grozny fields and is convenient for exporting oil illegally produced in Chechnya. The problem of theft of Grozny oil continues to remain acute due to the persistence of crime in the Tuapse and Novorossiysk ports and established channels for the sale of stolen oil, thanks to the strange decisions of officials from Transneft.

The use of another oil terminal in the Novorossiysk region is associated with the transshipment of oil through the Grushovaya oil depot, which is owned by GLENKOR, owned by American businessman Mark Rich, a recognized expert in the implementation of dubious financial schemes. Delivery of oil and fuel oil to the tank farm is carried out by railway. For transshipment of oil from the wheels to the tank farm, GLENKOR charges a commission of $15 per ton, and for transshipment of fuel oil - $10 per ton. This allowed GLENKOR to receive in 2004 and the 1st quarter of 2005 more than $100 million for transshipment of about 7 million tons of oil, and more than $15 million for transshipment of about 15 tons of fuel oil.

When exporting oil through the territory of Ukraine or to its refineries (refineries), since 2004, payment for transit to Ukraine has been monopolized by Transneft. At the same time, a scheme was implemented using an intermediary offshore company, which charges an equal commission for the transit of 1 ton of oil from both Transneft and Ukrtransnafta. The size of the tariff depends on the direction of transit and ranges from $0.5-5.5 per ton of oil. However, only one offshore monopoly company acts as an intermediary on each of the existing four Ukrainian transit routes. In case of transit to Ukrainian refineries, this is LANCASTER, in case of transit to Yuzhny port (Odessa) - SILTON, etc. The income received from intermediary offshore companies is divided between Russian and Ukrainian corrupt officials in the proportion of 50% to 50%. According to available information, revenues from the transport tariff in 2004 amounted to more than $40 million, and in 2005 due to a decrease in pumping volumes in the direction of Ukraine - about $28 million.

In addition to the previously mentioned schemes for obtaining additional export volumes of oil, the so-called "mobile balances", which are under the operational control of Transneft, are illegally used. This part of the oil pumped into the main oil pipelines must legally remain in the Transneft system to ensure the normal operation of the pipelines. The instructions forbid the selection of these residues. However, at high world oil prices, in violation of existing rules, under an agreement with large exporters, these mobile remains are sold. At the same time, a commission is charged for their use in the amount of $2 per ton of oil. According to data for 2004 and 2005, the income from the export of these "sweet" residues amounted to about $45 million.

The problem of unaccounted for surpluses of Transneft has always existed. Firstly, they are formed due to the difference between delivered and received oil and are accounted for by Transneft as its own balances. Secondly, they are formed due to the overestimation of the norms of technological losses of oil. The losses themselves are due to the large length and peculiarities of the operation of pipelines and must be taken into account by the standards. In the case of overestimated norms of natural loss of oil, the possibilities for creating unaccounted surpluses (or residues) in the pipeline system increase many times over. What volumes of unaccounted for surpluses can actually be hidden in Transneft's pipelines are known only to a narrow circle of trusted persons. The price of the issue is indicated by the following figures, which have become public. According to the quarterly balance of crude oil by Russian Federation at the beginning of 2004, the natural loss of oil (technological losses) in the system of main oil pipelines amounted to 0.5 million tons, which in annual terms is equivalent to 2.0 million tons of oil.

At the same time, from year to year, Transneft presents a little more than a tenth of this volume according to the results of the inventory. In 2001, Transneft, in agreement with the government commission for the use of trunk oil pipelines, exported 200 tons of oil identified after the inventory. In 2003, the surplus of oil in the Transneft pipeline system, according to the official inventory results alone, amounted to 150,000 tons. In the same year, Transneft donated 1 billion rubles for charitable purposes, proceeds from the sale of surplus oil.

The problem of formation of excess oil in the main oil pipelines in 2003-2004 was specially considered at the government level. The head of the Ministry of Economic Development and Trade, German Gref, suggesting that the proceeds from the sale of these surpluses be attributed to federal budget revenues, apparently did not suspect what volumes of unrecorded surpluses circulate on the shadow market and who actually gets the bulk of the proceeds from their sale.

According to information from law enforcement agencies, the peculiarities of the work of Transneft officials served as the basis for a close study. As a result, the investigating authorities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation were supposed to initiate a criminal case against Sergei Evlakhov and several assistants. However, due to the intervention of high officials case materials were not implemented.

In addition to the main export direction, in the domestic market, Evlakhov's relatives created a whole network of commercial structures operating in oil and oil products. For example, firms of the Condor group, which have a developed infrastructure in the Stavropol Territory for wholesale and retail oil and oil products (through a network of its filling stations). One of the companies of the Condor Oil Company LLC group, which is headed by Yevlakhov's brother, is registered in Moscow.

According to available information, the structures of the Condor group are connected by commercial relations and capital with the Austrian Petronord group. In particular, CJSC Oil Company Condor owned a share in the authorized capital of LLC commercial firm Petronord, which, in turn, owned a stake in PROMTES LLC, affiliated with the Condor group. One of the co-owners of the Petronord group is a well-known businessman Grigory Luchansky.

Some wealthy businessmen can probably envy the lifestyle of state official Sergei Evlakhov. According to information, he jointly owns real estate in Cyprus and the elite apartments "Golden Keys" on Minsk Highway, purchased three years ago for $1 million. In general, it's good to be a high-ranking government official in Russia.

Mikhail Vitalievich Margelov is a well-known statesman. He bears a famous surname, although he did not continue the military tradition. He went his own way and reached solid heights. His activities are often criticized, he is accused of careerism and opportunism. However, his life path is undoubtedly interesting and worthy of attention.

Family

The surname of the Margelovs appeared as a result of an error in the spelling of the old Russian surname "Markelov" when issuing a party card to Mikhail's grandfather. Mikhail's great-grandfather faithfully served the Fatherland, for which he was twice awarded the honorary Order of St. George. - the famous general of the Soviet army, commander of the air force, "father of the Airborne Forces", Hero Soviet Union- was born in a family of Belarusian origin. Thus began the glorious history of the family.

Of the five sons of Basil, four continued his work. Vitaly Vasilyevich - Russian intelligence officer, colonel general, deputy director of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation, later a deputy of the State Duma from the United Russia party - Mikhail's father. Alexander Vasilievich - Airborne Forces officer, Hero of the Soviet Union. Gennady Vasilievich - Major General. Vasily Vasilyevich - major, deputy director of the Voice of Russia broadcasting company. Vasily Filippovich did not help any of his children to make a career, but strictly asked them. Margelov Mikhail Vitalievich, whose family consists of such valiant people, had to correspond to her. And he became a worthy bearer of an outstanding surname. In total, Vasily Filippovich has ten grandchildren, Mikhail is the eldest of them. Among the grandchildren there are both journalists and businessmen, and five followed in the footsteps of their ancestors and became military men.

Childhood

Mikhail Margelov is an example of a Moscow boy from a good family. As a child, Misha was distinguished by an active character and a desire for leadership, he read a lot. Grandfather tried to get him into sports, but nothing came of it. And the dream that the grandson would follow in his footsteps did not come true either. When Mikhail was a teenager, his parents often went on business trips abroad, and he spent a lot of time with his grandparents. For several years he lived with his parents in Tunisia and Morocco. Mikhail Margelov was interested in international relations and dreamed of becoming a diplomatic worker.

Education

At school, Mikhail studied well, especially leaned on foreign languages about to become a diplomat. But after school, he did not go to MGIMO, but to the Institute of Asian and African Countries at Moscow State University. M. V. Lomonosov, to the Faculty of History and Philology. He graduated from the university in 1986 with a diploma in the specialty "historian-orientalist and translator". He speaks Arabic, English, French, and later learned Bulgarian.

The beginning of a professional path

While still in his last years at the institute, Margelov began working as a translator in the department of international relations of the Central Committee of the CPSU. After graduating from high school, he got a job at the School of the KGB of the USSR to teach Arabic. Detractors claim that he got a job in this department solely due to family ties, since he did not have any special prerequisites for such work. There are also suggestions that the teaching position was just a front, but in fact he joined the KGB with the rank of lieutenant. Three years later, Margelov goes to work in the Arabic edition of ITAR-TASS as an editor. Here he worked for only a year.

Finding your place

After the collapse of the USSR, Mikhail Margelov, whose biography has so far developed in purely Soviet traditions, decided to try himself in a new field. He worked for several years in international consulting firms, advising joint Russian-American companies. This experience allowed Margelov to find a new, promising area applications of their skills and talents - advertising and PR. Also at this time he works as the editor of the magazine "Your Choice". This will also become his new professional area in the future.

In 1995, Mikhail Margelov comes to work in a large advertising company Video International as director of new business, development and consulting. In 1996, he directed the project of the pre-election advertising campaign and the Yabloko party to the State Duma. IN next year he is included in the pre-election group of presidential candidate Boris Yeltsin.

Career advancement

A successful election campaign brought Yeltsin to the Kremlin and brought Margelov a new position. He is appointed the first deputy head of the public relations department of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, his head was with whom Mikhail worked at Video International. After some time, Margelov replaced Lesin in this position and held on to it for a whole year. Since 1998, Mikhail Vitalyevich has been transferred to the service of RIA Vesti in the department of political observers. After some time, he goes to the Customs Service for six months, where he works in a group of advisers to the chairman of the State Customs Committee and is engaged in the creation of a public relations service. There Margelov received the rank of colonel customs service, but soon returned to Vesti.

Election era

By 1999, Mikhail Margelov won the fame of a good political strategist, and therefore he is offered to take part in several projects at once. At first he accompanies the political movement " new power in the Moscow mayoral elections. During the aggravation of the situation in the North Caucasus, on the orders of V. Putin, the Rosinformtsentr was established in 1999, in which Mikhail Margelov holds the position of director. Around the same time, S. Shoigu invited him to organize an advertising campaign and to work as a press secretary for the Medved movement, which sought to enter the State Duma. Later, Margelov began to provide PR support for the activities of the Unity bloc. Organizes a trip for members of the Unity faction to the Republican Party Congress in the United States in 2000. During the 2000 presidential election campaign, Margelov is part of Putin's headquarters, where he establishes ties with foreign partners. The success of this campaign, among other things, helped him show his potential to the president, and he will still remember the young PR man.

party life

According to family tradition, Mikhail Margelov has always been on the side of the ruling party. Therefore, no one was surprised when he was the secretary of the Komsomol organization at the institute. Then he joined the ranks of the CPSU, where he remained until the abolition of the party. In the 2000s, he became a member of United Russia. He was a member of the political council of the party, from 2001 to 2004 he was a member of the central political council of United Russia.

In 2000, the Pskov region has a new representative in the supreme power - Mikhail Margelov. The Federation Council is formed on a party basis, and party comrades-in-arms nominated Mikhail to this ruling body. There he becomes the initiator of the creation of the "Putin" group "Federation". Deputy Mikhail Margelov was elected chairman of the international relations committee. In 2009, he was the first senator to take part in the work of the UN General Assembly, where he delivered a report on the responsibility to protect in international affairs. He repeatedly headed the Federation Council delegations in various negotiations on international affairs. In 2014, he had to leave the Federation Council in connection with the scandalous discovery of foreign real estate in his possession, which he did not include in the declaration.

PACE

In 2003, as a member of the Federation Council, Margelov was elected Vice President of PACE from the Russian Federation. In 2008, he boldly puts forward his candidacy for the presidency of the Parliamentary Assembly, but loses to the Spanish candidate. Working in PACE, Mikhail Vitalyevich repeatedly participated in the settlement of conflicts in various "hot" spots of the world, was a member of the assembly team at the Palestinian negotiations. In 2005, he voluntarily resigned as a representative in PACE. It was related to big scandal, which flared up around Margelov: his assistant Alexei Kozlov was sentenced to criminal liability for fraud, in addition, his brother was involved in an offshore case. But in 2010 he became an honorary member of PACE.

Sudan

In 2008, Mikhail Margelov was appointed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation - he became the special representative of the President of the Russian Federation for Sudan. It is on his shoulders to solve the problem of including Russia in the group of countries participating in the settlement of the situation in this country. In Sudan, political influence has been given to countries such as the US, UK, China and France. And Margelov is trying to ensure that the Russian Federation becomes the fifth country in this group. He is the main organizer international conference on Sudan in Moscow, during which the most important decision on the recognition of independence is made, Margelov participates in negotiations with the Darfur rebels, in three years he makes 8 trips to Sudan. In 2010, he participates in a meeting at highest level during a meeting of the Security Council of the UN General Assembly, where he makes proposals to support the holding of a referendum on independence in Sudan.

In 2011, in connection with the solution of some of the acute problems in the country, Margelov is released from his mission.

African affairs

In 2011, a new serious position was assigned to Margelov - the special representative of the President for cooperation with the peoples of Africa. For long post-perestroika years, Russia was not present on the African continent, and to return at least part of its former influence was the task of Mikhail Vitalyevich. With his participation begin to be implemented Russian projects in Ethiopia, Namibia, Niger and other countries. He repeatedly traveled to Africa, including in order to establish contacts with representatives of the Somali territories fighting for independence. When the situation in Libya "exploded", he met with both sides to get an objective picture of the situation. Significant is his role in resolving the issue of the safe passage of Russian courts. In 2014, Margelov left this position in connection with his departure from the Federation Council of the Russian Federation.

Social work

Despite the huge, diverse activities, Margelov manages to engage in various public assignments. He is a member of the Russian Geographical Society, was the chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Professional Hockey League of Russia. Also in 2003, he became president of a non-governmental organization - Russian Society solidarity and cooperation of the peoples of Asia and Africa. As part of this position, Margelov repeatedly participated in negotiations with various opposition groups in countries engulfed in revolutions.

Transneft

In 2014, a new "oil worker" appears in the country - Mikhail Margelov. Transneft, to which he joined as vice president, is engaged in the transportation of oil and petroleum products across Russia and the CIS countries. Margelov, on the other hand, is called upon to engage in his usual business - public relations. Although there are versions that he was "planted" in a company with a long-range vision, and that, perhaps, Mikhail Vitalievich may soon step up. But so far, such movements have not been noticed, and observers say that Margelov simply took refuge in Transneft from various problems that haunted him.

Criticism and accusations

Margelov's ill-wishers explain his progressive upward movement with great family ties. They say that his throwing from company to company is due to the fact that he does not have any valuable skills. Although it is difficult not to notice the noticeable successes of Margelov in the negotiation processes at the international level. He is accused of secretly continuing the work of his "ancestors" and is an officer of the secret services. He has been repeatedly accused of illegally owning real estate abroad and biased against American intelligence agencies. All this, except for apartments in Miami, was not confirmed, so Mikhail Vitalievich continues to work quietly in Russia.

Awards and titles

During his life, Mikhail Vitalyevich Margelov received many awards, among them the Order of Honor and Friendship, and the gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation, various medals. He bears the title of a real state adviser of the Russian Federation of the 1st degree. He is a colonel in the reserve, which made his grandfather unspeakably happy.

Personal life

The personal life of politicians and statesmen is always of particular interest. Mikhail Margelov, his wife and children are no exception. He married over 25 years ago and has two children. Nothing is known about his wife's occupation. The media found out about Dmitry's son that he graduated from MGIMO, worked at Gazprom, and now heads the Board of Directors of Rus-Oil.

Today, a system of mutual responsibility operates in relation to the leadership of Transneft, known as “Manus manum lavat” (lat. - Hand washes hand) - the report notes.

The editors have obtained a part of a report compiled by a number of authoritative experts, addressed to the President of Russia Vladimir Putin, and dedicated to the activities of the management of the Transneft company, where experts analyze in detail the "gray" schemes in which the state-owned company is involved today, as well as the sensational details of the personal enrichment of the leadership state companies.

The report consists of 15 volumes, each volume contains a description of schemes that allow the withdrawal of assets from the company, to carry out fraudulent activities aimed at stealing the funds of Russian oil companies. The editors had the opportunity to get acquainted with the details of one of the investigations related to the receipt of corrupt rents during the transshipment of oil through the ports of Transneft at inflated tariffs. This investigation is titled as: "Manus manum lavat" (lat. - The hand washes the hand).

According to experts, Transneft President Tokarev, together with businessman Ziyavudin Magomedov, as well as Transneft Vice President Alexei Sapsay, organized a scheme based on inflated tariffs for loading and pumping oil products through Transneft's main oil pipelines. The scheme is replete with companies - gaskets, as well as the names of performers, through which the theft of funds of Russian oilmen is directly carried out, among them: Transneft-Terminal LLC (A.V. Zelenko), Transneft-Terminal JSC (M.M. Melnik) , OOO Transneft-Service and JSC Transneft-Service (S.G. Kireev). These companies are the only intermediaries for the transshipment of oil products through the ports of Transneft, and it is with these companies that Chernomorsktransneft JSC and Sea Port Service JSC conclude agreements.

Experts believe that the main executor of this scheme is Trasneft Vice-President Alexei Sapsay, who previously headed Transneft's ESPO Central Unitary Enterprise, which was involved in the construction of the East Siberia-Pacific Ocean pipeline. The project and activities of the ESPO MCC were audited by the Accounts Chamber, which revealed that the cost of work on the ESPO project was unreasonably high, tenders for the selection of contractors were conducted with violations, documentation was illegally destroyed, and some acts were falsified by contractors. As a result, the volume of non-targeted expenses of the state monopoly during the construction of the East Siberia-Pacific Ocean pipeline amounted to about $4 billion. It is not surprising that it was Aleksey Sapsay who became the curator of the topic of inflating tariffs for loading and pumping oil products, experts say.

Today, the above companies independently set tariffs that are significantly higher than the FAS rates. As a result, oil companies wishing to pump their oil through the monopolist's ports overpay in favor of recipients registered offshore. Experts estimate the volume of illegal business at tens of billions of rubles. For example, in just one of the episodes, the offshore companies of Tokarev, Magomedov and Sapsay earned 500 million rubles. We sent requests to the press service of the FAS and to the reception of the head of the department, Igor Artemyev, with a request to comment on this situation, but both requests remained unanswered.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia has not achieved great results either. Initially, the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia sent a number of requests to Transneft with the intention of verifying information about the schemes in which the state-owned company was involved. However, according to an employee of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, who wished to remain anonymous, an informal order was received from the head of the anti-corruption department, Andrei Kurnosenko, to stop the check. It is possible that Kurnosenko's reluctance to bring the investigation to court was motivated by the fact that among the personal patrons of Nikolai Tokarev is the former Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation - now Vice President for Security of Transneft Vladimir Rushailo, whom the head of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev simply calls "dad" . As a result, the case today lies dead weight in the 8th department of the Directorate "T" of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

An objective review of the materials is also hindered by the powerful resources of security agencies controlled by Ziyavudin Magomedov, consisting of former employees TsRUBOP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, which have the capabilities of illegal listening, covert surveillance and power support. There is active pressure and interference in the process of objective consideration of materials, in order not to bring the perpetrators to justice. As a result, many witnesses refuse to testify, fearing for their lives and health.

The report notes that, most likely, such a sharp opposition is due to the fact that these companies are involved not only in the scheme to increase tariffs, but are also part of a large-scale system of the “shadow market” of oil, in which the volumes of transported oil are deliberately overestimated contrary to the quotas of the Ministry of Energy. As you know, the Ministry of Energy distributes volumes among companies in proportion to the submitted applications, and the schedules for pumping to near and far abroad are formed separately. As a result, companies sometimes receive export directions that they cannot use. Accordingly, there is also a reverse process - when the Ministry of Energy gives companies fewer quotas for exporting oil abroad than they need. In both cases, one cannot do without Transneft's lining companies. It is also known that oil producing complexes often extract and process much more oil and oil products than according to official reports. Then this unaccounted for oil is pumped into the pipes of Transneft and shipped abroad. In this case, this oil is distilled illegally, and, of course, no one pays any taxes on it.

It was corruption in the distribution of quotas for oil supplies that became the reason for the scandal, because of which Deputy Energy Minister Pavel Fedorov resigned in 2013. With his resignation, the scandal was hushed up. And now, a new chain has appeared, which led to the companies of the Transneft management, whose activities are described in the report.

Today, a system of mutual responsibility operates in relation to the leadership of Transneft, known as “Manus manum lavat” (lat. - Hand washes hand) - the report notes. The lack of desire on the part of the Federal Antimonopoly Service to check the inflated tariffs, the slowdown of cases in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia indicate that the octopus of Transneft has extended its influence to controllers, regulators and law enforcement officers. Experts note that “the lack of transparency and the lack of real responsibility of management for the results of activities has long become more than a problem,” according to the head of the laboratory market economy Andrey Kolganov, Faculty of Economics at Moscow State University, is a matter of political will on the part of the leadership to establish a normal system of management and control.”

Igor Kanaikin